SHOULD THERE BE AN AGE LIMIT FOR RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT?

A symbolic image representing Nigeria’s presidential election and the debate over whether age should be a major consideration for presidential candidates.

I was in a bus in Lagos last month. Traffic was bad, as usual. Two guys in front of me were arguing about the next election.

One said: "We need an old man. Experience. Wisdom. Someone who has seen it all."  

The other guy laughed and said: "Baba, we’ve seen it all too. That’s the problem. We need someone who still has energy to fight."

And that’s the whole debate, isn’t it?

For years we’ve been asking: Should there be an age limit for running for President of Nigeria?

Let me give you my take. Straight.

YES. WE NEED AN AGE LIMIT. BUT NOT FOR THE REASON YOU THINK.

Before you come for me on Facebook, hear me out. I’m not saying old people are useless. My dad is 68 and sharper than most 30-year-olds I know.

I’m saying the presidency of Nigeria in 2026 is not the same job it was in 1999. It’s not even the same job it was in 2015.

This job will break you.

1. THE JOB HAS CHANGED. IT’S A 24/7 WAR ROOM NOW

Being President of Nigeria today means waking up to 3 crises before breakfast.

Boko Haram in the North East. Bandits in the North West. IPOB in the South East. Herdsmen clashes in the Middle Belt. Oil theft in the South. Fuel queues in Lagos. ASUU strike. Naira to dollar. Debt servicing.

Then add Twitter. Add TikTok. Add AI. Add climate change. Add a global economy that sneezes and Nigeria catches cold.

In 1999, a President could read a file, have 2 meetings, and go home.

In 2026, you need to be on Zoom with the IMF at 2am, in Maiduguri at 8am, and addressing the nation at 9pm. You need to understand tech, understand youth culture, understand global finance, and still have the stamina to campaign in 36 states.

I’m sorry. That’s not a job for someone in their late 70s or 80s. It’s not about intelligence. It’s about biology.

Sleep matters. Reaction time matters. The ability to travel 4 times in one week matters.

We ask pilots to retire at 65 because lives are at stake. We ask judges to retire at 70. But the person with the power to deploy the military — we say "any age is fine"?

That doesn’t make sense.

2. WE KEEP CONFUSING "WISDOM" WITH "STAGNATION"

Nigerians love to say "respect your elders." And we should.

But in politics, "wisdom" has become code for "this is how we’ve always done it."

Look at the last 25 years of democracy. The same names keep coming back. The same playbook. The same promises. The same godfathers.

And I ask: What new ideas have we gotten?

Youths are creating fintech companies that serve 40 million people. They’re building Nollywood into a global brand. They’re coding, creating, exporting.

But in Aso Rock, we’re still arguing about the same roads, same power, same corruption that we argued about in 1999.

It’s not because old people are dumb. It’s because when you’ve been in the system for 40 years, the system is in you. It’s hard to see outside it.

A 45-year-old President would have grown up with mobile phones. Would have used ATM cards. Would understand why Japa is happening. Would have friends who lost jobs to inflation last month.

That lived experience matters. Because policy without lived experience is just theory.

3. WHAT ABOUT "EXPERIENCE"? LET’S TALK ABOUT IT

The biggest argument against an age limit is "experience."

"Young people are not ready." "They will sell the country."

Let’s be honest. Experience without results is just tenure.

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We’ve had experienced Presidents. We’ve had experienced Governors. We’ve had experienced Ministers.

And yet:

Our hospitals still don’t work.

Our universities still go on strike.

Our roads still kill people.

Our youths still leave.

So maybe "experience" is not the magic word we think it is.

What we need is "relevant experience."

Give me a 45-year-old who ran a state successfully for 8 years over a 78-year-old who was a Minister 30 years ago.

Give me a 50-year-old who built a business and created 2000 jobs over a 75-year-old who has only ever been in politics.

Age is not the same as competence. But right now, our system acts like it is.

SO WHAT SHOULD THE AGE LIMIT BE?

This is where it gets tricky. And I don’t think it should be too low.

If we say "only people under 40 can run," we’ll cut off a lot of good leaders. A 42-year-old might not be ready. A 39-year-old might be brilliant but lack national exposure.

Here’s my proposal for Nigeria:

Minimum age: 35 — We already have this in the Constitution. Keep it.

Maximum age: 70 — On the day of inauguration.

Why 70?

Because by 70, most people should be mentoring, not micromanaging. They should be in the Council of State, not in the daily briefings.

70 gives us room for experienced leaders in their 50s and 60s. That’s the sweet spot. Old enough to have governed. Young enough to still have energy for 8 years.

And before someone says "that’s age discrimination" — we already have age limits for everything. NYSC is 30. Police recruitment is 30. Even to be a Senator, you must be 35.

The presidency is the hardest job in the country. It deserves guardrails too.

"BUT WHAT ABOUT LEADERS LIKE NELSON MANDELA? HE WAS OLD"

Someone will bring this up.

Yes. Mandela was 75 when he became President. And he did great work.

But Mandela’s job was reconciliation. One job. 5 years. And he stepped down.

Nigeria’s job is not reconciliation. It’s reconstruction. It’s building power plants, fixing railways, fighting 10 insurgencies, negotiating with China, dealing with climate change, and managing 220 million people.

That’s a 10-year job, minimum. Not a 5-year ceremonial job.

And let’s not use exceptions to make policy. For every Mandela, there are 10 leaders who stayed too long and damaged their countries.

THE REAL FEAR: GODFATHERS AND PUPPETS

I know what some people are thinking.

"If we put an age limit, the godfathers will just pick a 45-year-old puppet."

You’re right. That can happen.

But that’s not an argument against age limits. That’s an argument for better parties, better primaries, and better voters.

Right now, godfathers pick old puppets AND young puppets. Age is not the problem. Money politics is the problem.

But at least with a younger field, we have a chance for new ideas to break through. Right now, the door is basically closed.

WHAT THIS MEANS FOR 2027

2027 is coming.

We’ll hear the same arguments. "This man has paid his dues." "This woman has been there since 1999."

And maybe some of them deserve it. Maybe some of them are the best.

But we should at least have the conversation before we vote. Not after.

Ask every candidate: "Can you do 4 rallies in 3 days? Can you stay up till 1am reading security reports? Can you learn AI and blockchain in 6 months?"

If the answer is no, then maybe Aso Rock is not the place.

MY FINAL WORD

I love my elders. I consult them. I respect them.

But the presidency is not a retirement home. It’s not a prize for loyalty. It’s a job. The toughest job.

And like any job, it should have requirements.

We require a minimum age of 35. Let’s add a maximum age of 70.

Not because we hate old people. But because we love Nigeria enough to want a President who can run the race.

The bus conductor in Lagos was right. We need wisdom. But we also need energy.

And in 2026, energy might be the rarest resource we have.

Let’s not waste it.

Drop your Opinion in the Comment section 

By Solomon Emmanuel| ZpotHub News 

SHOULD MEN TEACH IN GIRLS' SCHOOLS ? THE RISK WE CAN'T IGNORE

 

Male teachers interacting with students in a girls’ school, highlighting the debate over safeguarding, professionalism and the role of men in girls’ education.

LAGOS — Let me start with this. 

I love education. I love teachers. I have male teachers I respect till today. 

But when it comes to girls’ schools, I have one question: Why take the risk?

Our daughters are not an experiment. They are not a place to “test balance” or “prove a point.” They are children. Teenagers trying to grow, learn, and become women without fear.

And because of that, I believe men should not be the ones teaching in girls’ schools. Not as a rule. Not as a daily thing.

Here’s why.

THE TRUTH ABOUT POWER IN A CLASSROOM

A classroom is not an equal place. 

The teacher has power. The students look up to the teacher. They want approval. They want good grades. They want to be liked.

Now add that to teenage girls. Ages 11 to 17. This is the age where girls are figuring out who they are. Their bodies are changing. Their emotions are everywhere. They are asking big questions about life, boys, family, and themselves.

In that moment, a male authority figure carries a lot of weight. 

For most men, that power is used well. They teach, they guide, they leave. 

But it only takes one man to misuse it. One wrong comment. One “extra lesson” after school. One hand on a shoulder that stays too long.

And the damage from that one man lasts a lifetime.

I’m not saying all men are bad. I’m saying the risk is too high. And our girls deserve a place where that risk is zero.

WE’VE SEEN WHAT HAPPENS WHEN BOUNDARIES BREAK

Let’s not pretend.

Every year we hear stories. Not just in Nigeria. Everywhere. 

Teacher and student. 

Coach and athlete. 

Mentor and mentee.

It starts small. “She’s like a daughter to me.” “I’m just helping her.” “No one will understand her like I do.”

By the time anyone notices, a girl is already hurt. Confused. Ashamed. And sometimes pregnant. Sometimes traumatized.

Schools will say “we have policies.” No closed doors. CCTV. Background checks.

But real life is not policy. 

Real life is a girl who didn’t understand a maths question and stayed back.  

Real life is a teacher who offers to drop her home because it’s raining.  

Real life is a quiet conversation in the staff room when everyone else has left.

Are we going to put a female teacher in the room every single time? No. 

So the loopholes will always be there. And girls will pay the price.

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GIRLS DESERVE TO FEEL 100% SAFE TO LEARN

Think about it from a girl’s side.

You’re 14. You have cramps. You have questions about your body. You’re being bullied. You failed a test and you’re scared.

Who do you run to?

In a girls’ school with female teachers, you run to Aunty. To Miss. To someone who has gone through what you’re going through.

Now imagine the only person available is a man. 

Will you tell him about your period? About the boy pressuring you? About the anxiety you feel?

Maybe. But most girls won’t. They’ll keep quiet. And keeping quiet means keeping problems.

Education is not just about formulas and grammar. It’s about feeling safe enough to ask questions. To make mistakes. To be vulnerable.

Girls learn better when they don’t have to filter everything they say because a man is listening.

THE “WE NEED MEN FOR STEM” ARGUMENT DOESN'T HOLD

This is the one I hear the most. 

“But who will teach Physics? Who will teach Computer Science? There are no female teachers.”

If that’s true in 2026, then that’s our failure. Not the girls’ problem.

We cannot tell our daughters: “We couldn’t find a woman, so we’re bringing a man to teach you.”

That teaches them that women can’t do hard subjects. That men must always come to “save” the class.

The real solution is to fix the pipeline. 

Give scholarships to girls to study Engineering.  

Train women in STEM and pay them well.  

Hire female coaches for sports.  

Promote female principals and administrators.

Other countries are doing it. We can too. 

“Not enough women” is not a reason. It’s an excuse. And our girls are paying for it.

CULTURE, RELIGION, AND PARENTAL TRUST MATTER

Nigeria is not one country with one culture. 

Many parents send their daughters to girls’ schools for a reason. In many Muslim families. In many Christian families. In many traditional homes. 

The reason is simple: we want our girls to grow without male pressure, male gaze, and male influence until they are mature enough to handle it.

When you put male teachers in those schools, you break that agreement. 

Parents will lose trust. And when parents lose trust, they pull their children out. Or they stop investing in education.

Is that what we want? Girls out of school because we insisted on a policy that makes parents uncomfortable?

Education works when parents, schools, and community trust each other. Let’s not break that.

WHAT ABOUT GOOD MEN? 

I know good men. My father is a good man. My brothers are good men. 

This article is not an attack on men. 

This is about systems. About prevention. 

We put railings on balconies not because we expect everyone to fall, but because if one person does, the fall is fatal.

The same logic applies here. 

Most male teachers will never harm a student. But we are building a system for the worst-case scenario, because the cost of that scenario is too high.

It’s like airport security. 99.9% of people are not terrorists. But we still check everyone. Because we can’t afford to miss the 0.1%.

WHAT A SAFE GIRLS’ SCHOOL SHOULD LOOK LIKE

If we are serious about protecting girls and educating them well, this is what it looks like:

1. FEMALE TEACHERS FROM PRIMARY TO SECONDARY  

    Especially in boarding schools. Women who can teach every subject. Women who can be role models in Science, Maths, Leadership, and Sports.

2. INVEST IN WOMEN  

    Government and private organizations should fund girls to study STEM. Pay female teachers better so the job attracts the best. Create teacher training colleges focused on women.

3. MALE ROLE MODELS THE RIGHT WAY  

    Men are still important. Fathers, uncles, and male guest speakers should come for career talks, entrepreneurship classes, and mentorship programs. But they should not be the ones with daily authority over girls in a classroom.

4. STRONG SAFEGUARDING LAWS  

    For the few co-ed schools or exceptions, we need laws: mandatory police checks, mandatory female chaperone for any interaction, and immediate dismissal for any boundary crossing. And parents must give written consent.

THE EMOTIONAL COST WE DON'T TALK ABOUT

People talk about grades. About WAEC results. About university admission.

Nobody talks about what happens inside a girl when she feels unsafe.

A girl who is scared of her teacher stops asking questions.  

A girl who gets inappropriate attention starts dressing to hide.  

A girl who is groomed starts blaming herself.

Even if nothing “physical” happens, the emotional weight changes her.

School should be the place where she laughs the loudest. Where she argues in debate. Where she fails a test and tries again without shame.

We rob her of that when we ignore the environment.

OTHER COUNTRIES ARE RETHINKING THIS TOO

This is not a Nigerian-only conversation.

In the UK, US, and Middle East, many single-sex girls’ schools prefer female staff. Not by law, but by policy. Because they’ve learned from lawsuits, from scandals, from parents pulling out.

They realized that “equality” does not mean “sameness in every room.” Sometimes equality means creating spaces where girls can thrive without extra complications.

We can learn from that.

THE HARD QUESTION FOR SCHOOL OWNERS

To every school owner reading this: Be honest.

Are you hiring male teachers because they are the best for the job?  

Or because they are cheaper?  

Or because “that’s how we’ve always done it”?

If it’s the second two, then you are putting money and tradition above girls’ safety.

And that is not leadership.

WHAT HAPPENS IF WE DON'T CHANGE

If we continue like this, two things will happen.

One: We will keep hearing stories. Some will go public. Most won’t. But the girls will carry them.

Two: Parents will lose faith. They will take girls out of school. Or they will choose homeschooling. Or they will send them abroad.

And then we’ll wonder why girls are “falling behind.”

We don’t have to get there.

A FINAL WORD TO PARENTS AND EDUCATORS

To parents: Ask questions. Who is teaching your daughter? What are the school’s policies? Can you walk into any class unannounced? If the answer is no, ask why.

To educators: I respect you. This job is hard. But if you truly care about girls, support systems that protect them even from the few bad actors.

To policymakers: Make it a priority to train and employ women teachers. Fund it. Enforce it.

CONCLUSION

So is it good or bad for men to teach in girls’ schools?

For me, the answer is clear. It’s a bad risk.

Not because men are evil.  

But because girls are precious.

We don’t gamble with precious things.

Let girls’ schools be fully for girls. Let them be led by women. Let them be a place where a girl can grow without fear, without doubt, without having to watch her back.

There will be time later for her to work with men, to learn from men, to lead men.

But in school, let her just be a student. Safe. Free. Focused.

That’s all we’re asking.

Share Your Opinion in the Comment section, we did Love to hear from you

By Solomon Emmanuel | ZpotHub News 

PETER OBI AND THE NORTH: CAN HE BREAK THROUGH IN 2027?

ABUJA — As Nigeria inches closer to the 2027 general elections, one question keeps coming up in political circles: can Peter Obi win the North?

The former Anambra State Governor and Labour Party presidential candidate has become the subject of fresh debate across political parties and among analysts. With campaigns still more than a year away, conversations about alliances, voter movements, and regional politics are already heating up. And at the center of it all is Obi and his chances in Northern Nigeria.

Some observers believe he can grow beyond the strongholds he built in 2023. Others are not so sure. The disagreement is sharp, and it tells us a lot about how complicated the road to 2027 will be.

WHY EVERYONE IS TALKING ABOUT THE NORTH

If you want to be president of Nigeria, you cannot ignore the North.

The region has the largest voting population in the country. It covers more states than any other zone. Whoever wins the presidency almost always does well in a significant number of Northern states. That is just the math of Nigerian elections.

For Peter Obi, this creates both an opening and a problem.

His strength in 2023 was clear. He dominated in the South-East and South-South. He also pulled huge numbers from young Nigerians and urban voters in Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, and other cities. That gave him a national profile no one expected from a Labour Party candidate.

But to win in 2027, he will need more. He will need votes from Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Borno, Niger, Benue, Plateau, and other Northern states. That means speaking to voters whose daily concerns, political loyalties, and community structures are very different from the base that carried him last time.

It is possible. But it will not happen by accident.

TWO DIFFERENT VIEWS ON OBI'S NORTHERN PROSPECTS

The debate right now is split into two camps.

The first group is optimistic. They argue that Nigerian politics has changed since 2023. Voters are more frustrated with the two major parties. The economy is tough. Insecurity remains a problem. Young people are more politically aware than ever. In that environment, they say, a candidate like Obi who represents change could find new supporters in the North.

They point to what happened in 2023. Obi’s campaign generated massive enthusiasm, especially among young people. He filled stadiums. He trended for weeks. He proved that a candidate outside APC and PDP could compete and even win in some states. If that energy can be sustained and organized, they believe he can peel off voters in the North who are tired of the status quo.

The second group is more cautious. They say winning a presidential election in Nigeria is not about vibes or social media. It is about structure. It is about having agents in every polling unit. It is about working with traditional rulers, religious leaders, youth groups, and local politicians who can deliver votes.

From this perspective, popularity among young people and in certain regions does not automatically translate into votes across a diverse region like the North. They argue that Obi’s team will need years of grassroots work, money, alliances, and a message that resonates with local issues if he wants to make real gains.

Both arguments have merit. And that is why the conversation keeps going.

WHAT 2023 TAUGHT US

We cannot talk about 2027 without looking back at 2023.

Running under the Labour Party, Peter Obi shocked many people. He was not supposed to be a major contender. APC and PDP had dominated for years. But Obi’s campaign became a movement. Young Nigerians called themselves the Obidients. They organized on WhatsApp, Twitter, and in the streets. They donated small amounts of money. They showed up to vote.

The result was that Obi won 12 states, including Lagos and the Federal Capital Territory. He came third overall, but he proved that a third force could be competitive.

At the same time, 2023 also showed the limits. His votes were concentrated. He did very well in the South-East and among certain demographics, but he struggled in many Northern states. That is the reality of Nigeria’s electoral system. You need to spread your support across the country.

So the lesson for 2027 is simple. Keep what worked in 2023, but fix what did not. The biggest thing to fix is geography. Can Obi expand beyond his base?

BUILDING A COALITION THAT CAN WIN

Presidential elections in Nigeria are won through coalitions.

No one wins alone. You need political allies. You need regional partners. You need people on the ground who can mobilize voters and protect votes.

If Obi wants to do well in the North in 2027, he will need to build relationships across the region. That means talking to former governors, senators, community leaders, religious figures, and youth organizations. It means understanding what matters to people in Sokoto versus what matters in Plateau.

Policy will also matter. Voters will ask: what is your plan for jobs? For insecurity? For education? For agriculture? For the rising cost of food and fuel? A message that works in Enugu may need to be adjusted for Zamfara. It is not about changing principles. It is about showing that you understand local problems.

The other part is party structure. In 2023, Labour Party did not have the same grassroots network as APC or PDP. That hurt. If Obi runs again, the question will be whether he stays in Labour, joins another party, or builds a new alliance. Whatever platform he chooses, it will need to have people, resources, and organization in Northern states.

That takes time and money. The next 18 months will be critical.

YOUNG VOTERS ARE STILL KEY, BUT THE GAME HAS CHANGED

Young Nigerians will be a huge part of the 2027 election. They are the largest demographic group, and many of them are still looking for change.

Obi benefited enormously from this in 2023. He became the candidate of young people who wanted something different. That support gave him visibility and momentum.

But 2027 will not be a repeat of 2023. Voters will be asking different questions. What has the government done in the last four years? What has the opposition done? Did the promises made in 2023 turn into anything real?

Enthusiasm alone will not be enough. Obi and his team will need to show a clear plan and a clear path to victory. They will also need to convince young voters that staying engaged is worth it, even if 2023 did not bring the result they wanted.

At the same time, Obi will need to reach beyond young voters. He will need older voters, traders, farmers, civil servants, and traditional institutions. That is where elections are won and lost in many Northern communities.

THE PARTY QUESTION

Another big issue is the platform.

In Nigerian politics, the party matters. It provides the structure for campaigns. It provides agents, funding channels, and a brand that voters recognize.

Labour Party gave Obi a national platform in 2023, but it also had internal problems. If he stays, can the party resolve those issues and build a stronger network in the North? If he leaves, where does he go? Does he join an existing party or try to lead a coalition?

These are not easy decisions. But they will shape his chances.

A strong grassroots network in Kano is not the same as having one in Imo. It requires different people, different strategies, and different conversations. Whoever Obi aligns with will need to demonstrate that they can deliver in Northern states.

THE RACE IS STILL WIDE OPEN

It is important to remember that 2027 is still far away in political terms.

Candidates can switch parties. Alliances can form and break. Economic conditions can change. New issues can emerge that reshape the conversation.

Right now, we are in the positioning phase. Politicians are testing messages. Parties are talking to each other. Voters are watching.

For Obi, the renewed discussion about the North is a sign that people are taking him seriously as a 2027 contender. It also means the pressure is on. If he wants to be seen as a truly national candidate, he has to show progress in the North.

If he succeeds, his path to the presidency becomes much more realistic. If he does not, questions about the limits of his support will follow him throughout the campaign.

WHAT TO WATCH IN THE COMING MONTHS

Several things will tell us more about Obi’s Northern prospects.

Watch his visits. Where does he go? Who does he meet? Is he spending time in Northern states talking to local leaders?

Watch the alliances. Is he working with Northern politicians? Are there talks about mergers or joint tickets?

Watch the party structure. Is Labour Party or any other party he chooses building offices, recruiting members, and training agents in the North?

Watch the messaging. How does he talk about issues like security, farming, and unemployment in ways that connect with Northern voters?

And watch public opinion. Polls, town halls, and community discussions will give clues about whether voters are open to his candidacy.

All of these will shape the story between now and 2027.

A DEBATE THAT MATTERS

At the end of the day, the debate about Peter Obi and the North is really a debate about Nigerian democracy.

Can a candidate build support across regions, religions, and ethnic groups? Can a movement that started with young people expand to include everyone else? Can politics move beyond the old patterns of APC versus PDP?

Obi’s 2023 campaign suggested that change is possible. 2027 will test whether that change can go further.

For now, there are no final answers. The North remains a challenge, an opportunity, and the key to any serious presidential ambition.

What is clear is that Peter Obi cannot win the presidency without making gains in Northern Nigeria. How he approaches that task, who he works with, and what he says will define his political future.

The conversation has started. The next two years will determine where it ends.

What do you think? Can Peter Obi make significant inroads in the North by 2027? Share your thoughts in the comments.

By Solomon Emmanuel | ZpotHub News  

Reporting from Abuja